Democrats need to fight for what they believe in, not just who seems most electable.
Image from Flickr user Pat Joyce.
By Robert Reich
By arrangement with Robert Reich
Instead of “Yes we can,” many Democrats have adopted a new slogan this election year: “We shouldn’t even try.”
We shouldn’t try for single-payer system, they say. We’ll be lucky if we prevent Republicans from repealing Obamacare.
We shouldn’t try for a $15 an hour minimum wage. The best we can do is $12 an hour.
We shouldn’t try to restore the Glass-Steagall Act that used to separate investment and commercial banking, or bust up the biggest banks. We’ll be lucky to stop Republicans from repealing Dodd-Frank.
We shouldn’t try for free public higher education. As it is, Republicans are out to cut all federal education spending.
“We-shouldn’t-even-try” Democrats think it’s foolish to aim for fundamental change—pie-in-the-sky, impractical, silly, naïve, quixotic.
We shouldn’t try to tax carbon or speculative trades on Wall Street, or raise taxes on the wealthy. We’ll be fortunate to just maintain the taxes already in place.
Most of all, we shouldn’t even try to get big money out of politics. We’ll be lucky to round up enough wealthy people to back Democratic candidates.
“We-shouldn’t-even-try” Democrats think it’s foolish to aim for fundamental change—pie-in-the-sky, impractical, silly, naïve, quixotic. Not in the cards. No way we can.
I understand their defeatism. After eight years of Republican intransigence and six years of congressional gridlock, many Democrats are desperate just to hold on to what we have.
And ever since the Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision opened the political floodgates to big corporations, Wall Street, and right-wing billionaires, many Democrats have concluded that bold ideas are unachievable.
In addition, some establishment Democrats—Washington lobbyists, editorial writers, inside-the-beltway operatives, party leaders, and big contributors—have grown comfortable with the way things are. They’d rather not rock the boat they’re safely in.
There’s no way to reform the system without rocking the boat.
I get it, but here’s the problem. There’s no way to reform the system without rocking the boat. There’s no way to get to where America should be without aiming high.
Progressive change has never happened without bold ideas championed by bold idealists.
Some thought it was quixotic to try for civil rights and voting rights. Some viewed it as naïve to think we could end the Vietnam War. Some said it was unrealistic to push for the Environmental Protection Act.
But time and again we’ve learned that important public goals can be achieved—if the public is mobilized behind them. And time and again such mobilization has depended on the energies and enthusiasm of young people combined with the determination and tenacity of the rest.
If we don’t aim high we have no chance of hitting the target, and no hope of mobilizing that enthusiasm and determination.
The situation we’re in now demands such mobilization. Wealth and income are more concentrated at the top than in over a century. And that wealth has translated into political power.
The result is an economy rigged in favor of those at the top—which further compounds wealth and power at the top, in a vicious cycle that will only get worse unless reversed.
Americans pay more for pharmaceuticals than the citizens of any other advanced nation, for example. We also pay more for Internet service. And far more for health care.
We pay high prices for airline tickets even though fuel costs have tumbled. And high prices for food even though crop prices have declined.
That’s because giant companies have accumulated vast market power. Yet the nation’s antitrust laws are barely enforced.
Meanwhile, the biggest Wall Street banks have more of the nation’s banking assets than they did in 2008, when they were judged too big to fail.
Hedge-fund partners get tax loopholes, oil companies get tax subsidies, and big agriculture gets paid off.
Bankruptcy laws protect the fortunes of billionaires like Donald Trump but not the homes of underwater homeowners or the savings of graduates burdened with student loans.
A low minimum wage enhances the profits of big-box retailers like Walmart, but requires the rest of us provide its employees and their families with food stamps and Medicaid in order to avoid poverty—an indirect subsidy of Walmart.
Trade treaties protect the assets and intellectual property of big corporations but not the jobs and wages of ordinary workers.
Labor union membership has plummeted from a third of all private-sector workers in the 1950s to fewer than 7 percent today.
At the same time, countervailing power is disappearing. Labor union membership has plummeted from a third of all private-sector workers in the 1950s to fewer than 7 percent today. Small banks have been absorbed into global financial behemoths. Small retailers don’t stand a chance against Walmart and Amazon.
And the pay of top corporate executives continues to skyrocket, even as most peoples’ real wages drop and their job security vanishes.
This system is not sustainable.
We must get big money out of our democracy, end crony capitalism, and make our economy and democracy work for the many, not just the few.
But change on this scale requires political mobilization.
It won’t be easy. It has never been easy. As before, it will require the energies and commitments of large numbers of Americans.
Which is why you shouldn’t listen to the “we-must-not-try” brigade. They’ve lost faith in the rest of us.
We must try. We have no choice.
Robert B. Reich, Chancellor’s Professor of Public Policy at the University of California at Berkeley, was Secretary of Labor in the Clinton administration. Time Magazine named him one of the ten most effective cabinet secretaries of the twentieth century. He has written thirteen books, including the best sellers Aftershock: The Next Economy and America’s Future and The Work of Nations: Preparing Ourselves for 21st Century Capitalism. His latest, Beyond Outrage, is now out in paperback. He is also a founding editor of the American Prospect magazine and chairman of Common Cause.